Articles

Despite large investments of law enforcement resources, online child exploitation is nowhere near under control, and while there are numerous technological products to aid this, they still require substantial human intervention.

The Internet has provided the social, individual, and technological circumstances needed for child pornography to flourish. Sex offenders have been able to utilise the Internet for dissemination of child pornographic content, for social networking with other pedophiles through chatrooms and newsgroups, and for sexual communication with children. A 2009 estimate by the United Nations estimates that there are more than four million websites containing child pornography, with 35 percent of them depicting serious sexual assault [1]. Even if this report or others exaggerate the true prevalence of those websites by a wide margin, the fact of the matter is that those websites are pervasive on the world wide web. Despite large investments of law enforcement resources, online child exploitation is nowhere near under control, and while there are numerous technological products to aid in finding child pornography online, they still require substantial human intervention. Despite this, steps can be taken to increase the automation process of these searches, to reduce the amount of content police officers have to examine, and increase the time they can spend on investigating individuals. While law enforcement agencies will aim for maximum disruption of online child exploitation networks by targeting the most connected players, there is a general lack of research on the structural nature of these networks; something we aimed to address in our study, by developing a method to extract child exploitation networks, map their structure, and analyse their content. Our custom-written Child Exploitation Network Extractor (CENE) automatically crawls the Web from a user-specified seed page, collecting information about the pages it visits by recursively following the links out of the page; the result of the crawl is a network structure containing information about the content of the websites, and the linkages between them [2]. We chose ten websites as starting points for the crawls; four were selected from a list of known child pornography websites while the other six were selected and…

Investigating the relationship between Internet-based applications and data and the policy process.

We are pleased to present the combined third and fourth issue of Volume 4 of Policy and Internet. It contains eleven articles, each of which investigates the relationship between Internet-based applications and data and the policy process. The papers have been grouped into the broad themes of policy, government, representation, and activism. POLICY: In December 2011, the European Parliament Directive on Combating the Sexual Abuse, Sexual Exploitation of Children and Child Pornography was adopted. The directive’s much-debated Article 25 requires Member States to ensure the prompt removal of child pornography websites hosted in their territory and to endeavor to obtain the removal of such websites hosted outside their territory. Member States are also given the option to block access to such websites to users within their territory. Both these policy choices have been highly controversial and much debated; Karel Demeyer, Eva Lievens, and Jos Dumortie analyse the technical and legal means of blocking and removing illegal child sexual content from the Internet, clarifying the advantages and drawbacks of the various policy options. Another issue of jurisdiction surrounds government use of cloud services. While cloud services promise to render government service delivery more effective and efficient, they are also potentially stateless, triggering government concern over data sovereignty. Kristina Irion explores these issues, tracing the evolution of individual national strategies and international policy on data sovereignty. She concludes that data sovereignty presents national governments with a legal risk that can’t be addressed through technology or contractual arrangements alone, and recommends that governments retain sovereignty over their information. While the Internet allows unprecedented freedom of expression, it also facilitates anonymity and facelessness, increasing the possibility of damage caused by harmful online behaviour, including online bullying. Myoung-Jin Lee, Yu Jung Choi, and Setbyol Choi investigate the discourse surrounding the introduction of the Korean Government’s “Verification of Identity” policy, which aimed to foster a more responsible Internet culture by mandating registration of a user’s real…

The researchers’ interviews with teenagers reveal that they felt shut out of their peer group socially and also disadvantaged in their studies as so much of the college or school work set for them to do at home required online research or preparation.

A major in-depth study examining how teenagers in the UK are using the internet and other mobile devices says the benefits of using such technologies far outweigh any perceived risks. The findings are based on a large-scale study of more than 1,000 randomly selected households in the UK, coupled with regular face-to-face interviews with more than 200 teenagers and their families between 2008 and 2011. While the study reflects a high level of parental anxiety about the potential of social networking sites to distract their offspring, and shows that some parents despair at their children’s tendency to multitask on mobile devices, the research by Oxford University’s Department of Education and Oxford Internet Institute concludes that there are substantial educational advantages in teenagers being able to access the internet at home. Teenagers who do not have access to the internet in their home have a strong sense of being ‘educationally disadvantaged’, warns the study. At the time of the study, the researchers estimated that around 10 per cent of the teenagers were without online connectivity at home, with most of this group living in poorer households. While recent figures from the Office of National Statistics suggest this dropped to five per cent in 2012, the researchers say that still leaves around 300,000 children without internet access in their homes. The researchers’ interviews with teenagers reveal that they felt shut out of their peer group socially and also disadvantaged in their studies as so much of the college or school work set for them to do at home required online research or preparation. One teenager, whose parents had separated, explained that he would ring his father who had internet access and any requested materials were then mailed to him through the post. Researcher Dr Rebecca Eynon commented: ‘While it’s difficult to state a precise figure for teenagers without access to the internet at home, the fact remains that in the UK, there…

While the Internet is a valuable source of information about sexual health for young adults, difficulty in searching and evaluating credibility may prevent them from finding useful information in time.

People increasingly turn to the Internet for health information, with 80 percent of U.S. Internet users (59 percent of adults) having used the Web for this purpose. However, because there is so much health content online, users may find it difficult to find reliable content quickly. Research has also shown that websites hosting information about the most controversial topics—including Emergency Contraceptive Pills, ECPs—contain a great number of inaccuracies. While the Internet is a potentially valuable source of information about sexual health topics for young adults, difficulty in searching and evaluating credibility may prevent them from finding useful information in time. Emergency contraception has long been heralded as a “second chance” for women to prevent pregnancy after unprotected intercourse. However, the commercial promotion and use of ECPs has been a highly contentious issue in the United States, a fact that has had a significant impact on legislative action and accessibility. Due to their limited window of effectiveness and given that people do not tend to obtain them until the moment when they are needed urgently, it is essential for people to be able to find accurate information about ECPs as quickly as possible. Our study investigated empirically how over 200 young college students (18-19 years old) at two college campuses in the Midwestern United States searched for and evaluated information about emergency contraception. They were given the hypothetical scenario: “You are at home in the middle of summer. A friend calls you frantically on a Friday at midnight. The condom broke while she was with her boyfriend. What can she do to prevent pregnancy? Remember, neither of you is on campus. She lives in South Bend, Indiana.” All of the students had considerable experience with using the Internet. Worryingly, a third of the participants, after looking for information online, were unable to conclude that the friend should seek out ECPs. Less than half gave what we consider the ideal response: to…

Why do these people stop using the Internet given its prevalence and value in the lives of the majority of their peers? What difficulties do they face in being unable to connect properly with the online world?

The Internet has become an important feature of the lives of the majority of young British people, providing them with another avenue to support their learning, inform their life choices about work and life opportunities, make and maintain friendships, and learn about and engage with the world around them. For many it is taken for granted. While the extent to which young people engage with the opportunities of the online world varies considerably, the majority of this age group can be considered to be within the digital mainstream. Indeed, in popular discourse many commentators assume that all young people are digitally included, and notions of the ‘google generation’ or ‘net gen’ continue to flourish. However, the reality is far more nuanced and complex than this—when we empirically explore how young people really engage with the Internet and related technology we see a significant amount of diversity in how and why they use it, and the influences it has on their lives. We know from nationally representative survey data that around 10% of young people in the UK (aged 17–23) define themselves as people who no longer use the Internet, that is as ‘lapsed users’. This group is fascinating. Why do these people stop using the Internet given its prevalence and value in the lives of the majority of their peers? What difficulties do they face in being unable to connect properly with the online world? The widely held and very powerful assumption by government, commercial organisations and the wider public that all young people are frequent and confident users of the Internet is clearly inaccurate. Worryingly, however, this public assumption that the current generation of youth is ‘born digital’ is so powerful that it has informed numerous policies and initiatives that determine young people’s lives. Furthermore, the majority of academic research investigating how young people access, use and experience the Internet actually focuses on those we might consider as belonging…

Big data generation and analysis requires expertise and skills which can be a particular challenge to governmental organisations.

Recent years have seen an increasing buzz around how ‘Big Data’ can uncover patterns of human behaviour and help predict social trends. Most social activities today leave digital imprints that can be collected and stored in the form of large datasets of transactional data. Access to this data presents powerful and often unanticipated opportunities for researchers and policy makers to generate new, precise, and rapid insights into economic, social and political practices and processes, as well as to tackle longstanding problems that have hitherto been impossible to address, such as how political movements like the ‘Arab Spring’ and Occupy originate and spread. Opening comments from convenor,Helen Margetts While big data can allow the design of efficient and realistic policy and administrative change, it also brings ethical challenges (for example, when it is used for probabilistic policy-making), raising issues of justice, equity and privacy. It also presents clear methodological and technical challenges: big data generation and analysis requires expertise and skills which can be a particular challenge to governmental organisations, given their dubious record on the guardianship of large scale datasets, the management of large technology-based projects, and capacity to innovate. It is these opportunities and challenges that were addressed by the recent conference “Internet, Politics, Policy 2012: Big Data, Big Challenges?” organised by the Oxford Internet Institute (University of Oxford) on behalf of the OII-edited academic journal Policy and Internet. Over the two days of paper and poster presentations and discussion it explored the new research frontiers opened up by big data as well as its limitations, serving as a forum to encourage discussion across disciplinary boundaries on how to exploit this data to inform policy debates and advance social science research. Duncan Watts (Keynote Speaker) The conference was organised along three tracks: “Policy,” “Politics,” and Data+Methods (see the programme) with panels focusing on the impact of big data on (for example) political campaigning, collective action and political dissent, sentiment…

The Internet can be hugely useful to coordinate disaster relief efforts, or to help rebuild affected communities.

Wikimedia Commons

The 6.2 magnitude earthquake that struck the centre of Christchurch on 22 February 2011 claimed 185 lives, damaged 80% of the central city beyond repair, and forced the abandonment of 6000 homes. It was the third costliest insurance event in history. The CEISMIC archive developed at the University of Canterbury will soon have collected almost 100,000 digital objects documenting the experiences of the people and communities affected by the earthquake, all of it available for study. The Internet can be hugely useful to coordinate disaster relief efforts, or to help rebuild affected communities. Paul Millar came to the OII on 21 May 2012 to discuss the CEISMIC archive project and the role of digital humanities after a major disaster (below). We talked to him afterwards. Ed: You have collected a huge amount of information about the earthquake and people’s experiences that would otherwise have been lost: how do you think it will be used? Paul: From the beginning I was determined to avoid being prescriptive about eventual uses. The secret of our success has been to stick to the principles of open data, open access and collaboration—the more content we can collect, the better chance future generations have to understand and draw conclusions from our experiences, behaviour and decisions. We have already assisted a number of research projects in public health, the social and physical sciences; even accounting. One of my colleagues reads balance sheets the way I read novels, and discovers all sorts of earthquake-related signs of cause and effect in them. I’d never have envisaged such a use for the archive. We have made our ontology is as detailed and flexible as possible in order to help with re-purposing of primary material: we currently use three layers of metadata—machine generated, human-curated and crowd sourced. We also intend to work more seriously on our GIS capabilities. Ed: How do you go about preserving this information during a period of…

Small changes in individual actions can have large effects at the aggregate level; this opens up the potential for drawing incorrect conclusions about generative mechanisms when only aggregated patterns are analysed.

One of the big social science questions is how our individual actions aggregate into collective patterns of behaviour (think crowds, riots, and revolutions). This question has so far been difficult to tackle due to a lack of appropriate data, and the complexity of the relationship between the individual and the collective. Digital trails are allowing Social Scientists to understand this relationship better. Small changes in individual actions can have large effects at the aggregate level; this opens up the potential for drawing incorrect conclusions about generative mechanisms when only aggregated patterns are analysed, as Schelling aimed to show in his classic example of racial segregation. Part of the reason why it has been so difficult to explore this connection between the individual and the collective—and the unintended consequences that arise from that connection—is lack of proper empirical data, particularly around the structure of interdependence that links individual actions. This relational information is what digital data is now providing; however, they present some new challenges to the social scientist, particularly those who are used to working with smaller, cross-sectional datasets. Suddenly, we can track and analyse the interactions of thousands (if not millions) of people with a time resolution that can go down to the second. The question is how to best aggregate that data and deal with the time dimension. Interactions take place in continuous time; however, most digital interactions are recorded as events (i.e. sending or receiving messages), and different network structures emerge when those events are aggregated according to different windows (i.e. days, weeks, months). We still don’t have systematic knowledge on how transforming continuous data into discrete observation windows affects the networks of interaction we analyse. Reconstructing interpersonal networks (particularly longitudinal network data) used to be extremely time consuming and difficult; now it is relatively easy to obtain that sort of network data, but modelling and analysing them is still a challenge. Another problem faced by social…

Policymakers wishing to promote greater choice and control among health system users should take account of the limits to empowerment as well as barriers to participation.

The explosive growth of the Internet and its omnipresence in people’s daily lives has facilitated a shift in information seeking on health, with the Internet now a key information source for the general public, patients, and health professionals. The Internet also has obvious potential to drive major changes in the organisation and delivery of health services efforts, and many initiatives are harnessing technology to support user empowerment. For example, current health reforms in England are leading to a fragmented, marketised National Health Service (NHS), where competitive choice designed to drive quality improvement and efficiency savings is informed by transparency and patient experiences, and with the notion of an empowered health consumer at its centre. Is this aim of achieving user empowerment realistic? In their examination of health queries submitted to the NHS Direct online enquiry service, John Powell and Sharon Boden find that while patient empowerment does occur in the use of online health services, it is constrained and context dependent. Policymakers wishing to promote greater choice and control among health system users should therefore take account of the limits to empowerment as well as barriers to participation. The Dutch government’s online public national health and care portal similarly aims to facilitate consumer decision-making behaviour and increasing transparency and accountability to improve quality of care and functioning of health markets. Interestingly, Hans Ossebaard, Lisette van Gemert-Pijnen and Erwin Seydel find the influence of the Dutch portal on choice behaviour, awareness, and empowerment of users to actually be small. The Internet is often discussed in terms of empowering (or even endangering) patients through broadening of access to medical and health-related information, but there is evidence that concerns about serious negative effects of using the Internet for health information may be ill-founded. The cancer patients in the study by Alison Chapple, Julie Evans and Sue Ziebland gave few examples of harm from using the Internet or of damage caused to their relationships…

Digital inclusion cannot be addressed without tackling social exclusion, for many of those who are currently not online are also socially excluded.

On 23 March 2012, the Oxford Internet Institute saw stakeholders from a variety of backgrounds, attending our workshop ‘On the Periphery? Low and Discontinued Internet use by Young People in Britain: Drivers, Impacts and Policies’. One of the key themes that emerged over the course of the day was that digital inclusion cannot be addressed without tackling social exclusion, for many of those who are currently not online are also socially excluded. The Government’s recent digital inclusion campaigns seem at first sight to recognise this need. For example, the UK ICT Strategy paper pledges that “The Government will work to make citizen-focused transactional services ‘digital by default’ where appropriate using Directgov as the single domain for citizens to access public services and government information. For those for whom digital channels are less accessible (for example, some older or disadvantaged people) the Government will enable a network of ‘assisted digital’ service providers, such as Post Offices, UK online centres and other local service providers” (§45, UK ICT Strategy 2011). ‘By default’ strategies are at the core of a concept called ‘libertarian paternalism’, which initially was advanced and popularised by two American academics, Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein, and since has been adopted by a number of governments around the world. In the UK, it has inspired the creation of the Cabinet Office’s Behavioural Insight Team, commonly known in Whitehall as the ‘Nudge Unit’. The idea behind the libertarian paternalism concept is that the government gently encourages citizens to act in socially beneficial ways, without infringing their freedom or liberty, and through these nudges it improves economic welfare and well being for the whole of society. Governments nudge by reorganising the context in which citizens make certain decisions, a strategy also referred to as ‘choice architecture’. To quote a common example, it may not be at the forefront of learner drivers’ mind to sign up for the organ donor register, but by asking learner drivers…